Antisocial Personality Disorder (in the past
referred to as "psychopathy" or "sociopathy") can raise concern
about the possibility of malingering since deceitfulness is
identified in the DSM-IV as a cardinal feature of this disorder.
There is another class of disorders that can be
confused with malingering: Factitious Disorders. A Factitious
Disorder is also characterized by "the intentional production of
physical or psychological signs or symptoms" , but differs from
malingering in that the motivation for the symptom production in
Factitious Disorder is to assume the sick role rather than to
obtain the external incentives which are the hallmark of
malingering. A factitious disorder may involve a self-induced
injury and tends to imply more genuine psychopathology than
malingering since the "secondary gain" (external incentive) is
absent or much less noticeable. Overholser traces the historical
development of factitious disorder and suggests some ways of
differentiating malingering and factitious disorders. He
reports, for example, that most malingerers are seen on an
outpatient basis while factitious disorder is often seen on an
inpatient service, that malingerers seem "agreeable" while those
with factitious illness are "belligerent" and that the primary
source of motivation is "external" in malingerers and "internal"
in those with factitious disorder. Overholser notes that another
writer, Asher, first suggested this syndrome and named it in
honor of Baron Hieronymus Karl Friederich von Munchausen, an
18th century nobleman noted for his ability to tell exaggerated
stories. In 1968, Spiro defined a broader category of problems
as "factitious illness", which includes Munchausen's Syndrome.
How often do plaintiffs fake or exaggerate
emotional distress in personal injury suits. This figure is not
known with certainty. Mental health professionals who study
faking offer widely varying estimates of how often malingering
occurs. In an article appearing in the journal OCCUPATIONAL
HEALTH AND SAFETY, W. Donald Ross cites a Washington state
survey which revealed that only one of one million claims were
actually self-inflicted injuries being masqueraded as work
injuries. He concluded that "True malingering is rare". G. G.
Hay, in his review of the simulation of mental illness ,
estimated that five out of about 12,000 admissions to a South
Manchester hospital were believed to be faking a psychosis, a
rate of less than 1/20th of a percent. In a more recent study,
Paul Lees-Haley found that only one of 64 personal injury
claimants scored in the significant range on two different
measures of malingering and he remarked upon "the large number
of forensic patients who scored lower than one might imagine (on
indices of faking) from a population that often is characterized
as disturbed, making a cry for help, or exaggerating emotional
distress" . Simon, in his 1995 book Posttraumatic Stress
Disorder in Litigation, states that "The incidence of malingered
psychiatric symptoms after injury is unknown". He cites
estimates of occurrence of malingering by other experts that
range from 1% to over 50%. Simon goes on to differentiate "pure
malingering-the feigning of disease when it does not exist at
all" from "partial malingering-the conscious exaggeration of
existing symptoms or the fraudulent allegation that prior
genuine symptoms are still present".
Various strategies have been suggested as aids in the detection
of malingering. Huddleston, for example, recommended a technique
to use with military men which involved depriving the soldier of
books, tobacco and friends since this would often result in an
improvement of faked symptoms. Other authors have suggested
studying the eyes for signs of shiftiness or "wavering" In more
recent times, drugs have been utilized to attempt to identify
the faker. But, studies have shown that subjects can continue to
deceive during amobarbital interviews. And, according to Hall
and Pritchard, a hypnotic state does not guarantee against
faking either.
Modern psychology offers
some behavioral cues which might be useful in detecting
malingering. Freud suggested that liars make more "slips of the
tongue" than those telling the truth. Others have suggested that
liars blink their eyes more often than truth tellers, that
liars' pupils are more dilated and DePaulo has said that nervous
people and introverts are less successful as liars. But DePaulo
goes on to say that many of these behaviors, which appear to be
associated with level of anxiety, are not consistently
associated with faking.
Several clinical
strategies have been employed in an attempt to differentiate
between the individual with a genuine psychological disorder and
one who is faking or malingering. Among these are observation or
videotaping of the suspected malingerer, a technique apparently
employed by insurance companies, interviews without using
psychological tests, a method sometimes used by psychiatrists,
and formal psychological testing. Schretlen, in his excellent
review of the use of psychological tests to identify malingering
of pychological disorders, concludes that research supports
psychological testing as a method of differentiating between
genuine and feigned mental problems but research demonstrating
that the psychiatric interview by itself can be used in this way
is lacking.
Many psychological tests
have been examined with respect to their ability to help
identify malingering. Schretlen, in the same review article,
mentions a few including the MMPI-2, the Rorschach test and the
Bender Gestalt test. But there is controversy about the
reliability and validity of the Rorschach and Bender Gestalt and
some investigators feel this severely limits their usefulness in
forensic settings.
The Minnesota
Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI-2) is "the most widely
used and researched objective personality inventory". It may
also be the psychological test most often used in the assessment
of malingering of mental disorders. The MMPI, originally
developed in the early 1940s by Hathaway and McKinley, was
re-standardized in 1989, re-named the MMPI-2. The MMPI-2
consists of 567 true-false items which are grouped into Validity
scales, which measure "test-taking attitudes", and Clinical
scales which measure various aspects of personality and
psychological symptoms. It has been referred to as the "gold
standard" in the psychometric assessment of malingering.
The MMPI/MMPI-2 has been used in several
different ways to detect malingering. Early on, Gough looked at
ways the validity scales of the MMPI could be utilized to
identify malingering. He reported in his 1950 study that the raw
score on Validity Scale F minus the raw score on Validity Scale
K (F-K) was quite useful in detecting "overreporting" profiles,
those MMPI profiles in which examinees exaggerated their mental
problems. Many studies of the usefulness of F minus K as a means
of detecting malingering have subsequently been done and the
consensus seems to be that this formula is accurate in
distinguishing faked from normal profiles but is less accurate
in distinguishing faked profiles from profiles of examinees with
actual mental illness (Schretlen, 1988). Research continues into
the best way to use the F minus K formula to measure faking.
Validity Scale F by itself has also been used to
detect malingering. Berry and Baer looked at the combined data
from more than 25 studies which examined how well MMPI validity
scales could detect overreporting of psychological symptoms. The
best indicator of faking was the F scale; F minus K was somewhat
less effective. But investigators learned that random reporting
(in addition to faking and real mental problems), also had the
effect of elevating the F scale. A method was needed for
differentiating between random responding and exaggeration of
symptoms. With the re-standardization of the MMPI known as the
"MMPI-2", VRIN (variable response inconsistency) and TRIN (true
response inconsistency) were introduced. VRIN consists of
special MMPI-2 items which can be used to rule out random
responding. TRIN can be used to identify a different type of
inconsistent responding.
As promising as
some of these MMPI-2 Validity Scales are in the detection of
malingered symptoms of mental disorders, efforts continue to
improve their predictive power. For example, since much of the
research database supporting the use of the MMPI-2 in personal
injury work comes from scientific studies in medical and mental
health outpatient settings, and from actual forensic
assessments, more MMPI-2 data is needed from scientific studies
of actual personal injury litigants. Research also continues
into techniques that can improve the forensic psychologist's
ability to understand personal injury litigants. For example,
Paul Lees-Haley, who often publishes research studies of
malingering, described a "credibility scale" for assessing
personal injury claimants . Lees-Haley also combined existing
MMPI-2 test items into a new "fake bad" scale for use,
specifically, with personal injury claimants.
CONCLUSIONS: It is safe to say there is no
method of detecting malingering of emotional distress symptoms
that is 100% accurate in all settings. Many forensic
psychologists believe, and I agree, that the best procedure
currently available for identifying faked symptoms of emotional
distress in legal settings is to use multiple sources of
information. Good psychological practice requires that these
would include behavioral observations, psychodiagnostic
interviews, review of medical and psychological records,
performance data (such as school grades and work performance
reviews) and psychological test procedures specifically designed
to measure faking. Gathering the data needed for this kind of
evaluation will ordinarily require several meetings between the
forensic psychologist and the lawyer's client. The Validity
scales of the MMPI-2 can be very powerful tools for assessing
the likelihood of faking in personal injury settings. But MMPI-2
test results must be interpreted in combination with various
other forms of data when making such important judgments.